Jaeger Jonzo

Apologies if it has been mentioned before, but What a great book this is, written from the German side. Based on veteran survivor accounts from the 352nd Infantry division, it covers all the action from the pillboxes on Omaha beach right through to the divisions virtual destruction at St. Lo. I have read many books on the Normandy campaign from all sides and divsions involved, but never one from the guys actually defending the beaches on the day. It is harrowing and yet fascinating reading and there are many interesting revelations and insights into the action on the first few days of the invasion. Heartily recommended read and probably great material or incentive for any budding scenario designers. :cool:

Not true, I am very happy there is a German campaign, I would just love to see the prelude British campaign to it Great photo MikeyD :cool:

took me 2 attempts to win. Lost 9 men, captured both objectives. Only 2 enemy paras captured alive at end, rest KIA. It does take a combination of all your available weapons and a bit of patience.

No disapoint in number of campaigns Supplied just that the famous bridge battle hasn't been covered yet! Considering all the ingredients for a tasty airborne assault, Italian probe, German counter-attack followed by an infantry assault against fj defence. Would be a great allied campaign as a prelude to the supplied German defence campaign.

I had really hoped there would be a British/commonwealth campaign for this epic action within either the Sicily or Gustav releases but sadly one hasnt materialised, other than a campaign from the German side. Is there any proposal to do one in the near future from BFC or any of you talented creators on here? It would make for an excellent campaign considering the units involved, with airborne elements from both sides and the British DLI assault, as well as Italian armoured cars. Sadly i lack the talent or time to create one myself. I assume the map from the German campaign could be used? There is a lot of information available for this action from both Para and infantry related articles on various websites. British airborne overview:- On the 9th July 1943, the 7th US and 8th British Armies were poised to invade Sicily in what was, until the Normandy landings of June 1944, the largest amphibious assault in history. Shortly before 19:00, the first of 144 aircraft, each towing a glider carrying men and equipment of the 1st Airlanding Brigade, took off from their bases in Tunisia, North Africa. These troops were to spearhead the British invasion by capturing the vital Ponte Grande bridge, near Syracuse, in the hours before the seaborne landings took place. As the combinations approached Sicily in darkness, however, strong winds and poor visibility gradually fragmented their formation and many aircraft lost their bearings as a result. When the Italian anti-aircraft batteries opened fire some of the American aircrews, completely unused to combat conditions, panicked even though the fire was too far away to be of any threat to them. A few turned back to base with their gliders in tow, others simply cut them adrift over the sea, in extreme cases at heights of just several hundred feet and 6 miles out to sea, giving the men in the gliders no hope whatsoever of reaching land. 73 of the 144 gliders landed in the sea, though most of these were a consequence of the difficult conditions, which would have challenged even the most experienced of aircrews. The gliders possessed a natural buoyancy in the wings which kept them afloat for some hours, however the fuselage sank beneath the waves almost immediately, and the first moments after ditching were ones of desperation as men struggled to get out of their craft before they went under. Most managed to do so, though many were so far out to sea that they could not swim for the shore and so had no option but to cling to the wreckage for up to 10 hours until rescued in the morning. Of the 1,730 men of the 1st Airlanding Brigade, however, 326 drowned. Only 56 gliders reached Sicily and were, for the most part, scattered anything up to 30 miles from their intended landing areas; just 12 came down on or within a respectable distance of them. The majority spent much of the following day roaming southern Sicily in small groups, involving themselves in numerous skirmishes with Italian troops until they finally reached the Ponte Grande Bridge or else met up with the 8th Army formations moving inland. It had been intended that a company of 120 men of the 2nd Battalion The South Staffordshire Regiment would carry out an immediate raid on the bridge to secure it until reinforcements arrived, however only a single platoon of 30 men were in a position to do this. Their commander, Lieutenant Withers, decided to capture the bridge with just this small force. He and five others swam the Canal Mammaiabica and attacked a pill-box position on the northern bank, and having thus drawn the attention of the Italian garrison, the remainder of his platoon rushed across it from the other side. Taken completely by surprise, the Italians quickly laid down their arms and surrendered. The bridge had been captured without loss. Such a small force could not hope to hold the bridge indefinitely, but they were reinforced by small parties from various units within the 1st Airlanding Brigade which arrived throughout the early morning, although their numbers never exceeded 87 men. The Italians were swift to counterattack the bridge, but their efforts were clumsily executed and easily brushed aside. As the morning wore on they became more organised, and the small British perimeter and their numbers were gradually reduced by accurate shelling and mortaring. By midday, the British were extremely low on ammunition and were having great difficulty in keeping at bay the Italian troops who were edging ever closer to their positions. At 15:15, having run out of ammunition and done all that they could to defend the bridge, long after the time that the seaborne troops were expected to relieve them, the British, only 20 of whom were unwounded, were forced to lay down their arms. They remained prisoners for only 90 minutes, however, and were set free when the 8th Army's advance overtook them. Just over an hour after resistance at the bridge had fallen, the relieving British troops reached it and, with the help of a handful of glider troops who had evaded capture, quickly retook it. The bridge had been taken intact, but through no fault of their own the landing of the 1st Airlanding Brigade had been a complete disaster. They had suffered 605 casualties; only a minor proportion of which had been as a result of enemy action, the vast majority had either drowned in the Mediterranean or were injured in hard landings. Several days later, on the 13th July 1943, the British undertook a second airborne operation in support of the 8th Army. This was carried out by the 1st Parachute Brigade, veterans of the Tunisian campaign, and their objective was Primosole Bridge, spanning the River Simeto near Catania. Their flight to Sicily proceeded much more smoothly than the 1st Airlanding Brigade's had, but things began to go wrong just as they reached the island and a few of the aircraft strayed into the airspace above the Allied fleet. The Navy had long been in the habit of assuming that any aircraft that came within range was an enemy, and so they opened fire, shot several down and threw the remainder out of formation. Enemy anti-aircraft guns increased the confusion as the aircraft began their final approach to Primosole Bridge, and again the nerve of some of the American pilots broke and they dropped their parachutists anywhere. Only 295 of the 1,856 men of the 1st Parachute Brigade were rallied at their respective rendezvous points, but nevertheless these threadbare elements quickly formed up and went about their business. Captain Rann, having gathered together 50 men of his 1st Battalion, successfully captured Primosole Bridge, having taken the Italian garrison unawares. Elsewhere, Lieutenant Frank of the 2nd Battalion, with just 28 men, attacked the high ground to the south of the bridge which dominated the surrounding area, and not only captured it but also took 130 prisoners. These positions were soon consolidated by what other elements of the Brigade had been able to assemble. The British soon discovered, however, that German paratroopers had unexpectedly arrived in their area during the previous day, and these elite soldiers fought hard to drive them off the bridge. The 2nd Battalion, on the high ground to the south, were not in serious danger of being challenged directly as their position was a strong one, but none of their support weaponry had been recovered after the drop, and so German machineguns and mortars, to which no reply could be made, pinned them down throughout the day and made life very uncomfortable. The 1st and 3rd Battalions on the bridge, amounting to just 164 men, did not begin to feel any particular enemy pressure until midday. Their positions were heavily shelled throughout the afternoon and German infantry threw numerous attacks against them, but all were beaten off. As had occurred at the Ponte Grande bridge several days earlier, a lack of heavy weaponry and a shortage of ammunition was a far greater impediment to their defence than their slender manpower, and consequently the Brigade began to yield ground. At 17:05, by now perilously low on ammunition and in danger of being overwhelmed, the paratroopers abandoned their positions to the north of the bridge and tried to make a stand on the southern bank. The Germans followed up this withdrawal but were beaten back by the British fire, now mostly coming from captured enemy weapons. Accurate shelling and machine-gunning continued to systematically weaken their position into the evening. At 19:15, German troops were seen to be crossing the river downstream in numbers that the Brigade had neither the ammunition nor the strength to repel, and so, having held it against considerable odds and long after the expected arrival of the 8th Army, the decision was made to abandon the bridge and join the 2nd Battalion in the hills to the south. The vanguard of the ground forces arrived just half an hour later, having been badly delayed in severe fighting further south. They relieved the Brigade in its positions and, after their first attempt to capture the bridge was bloodily repulsed on the 15th July, they successfully took it at first light on the following morning. The 1st Parachute Brigade returned to North Africa, having suffered some 295 casualties. The DLI action to relieve the paras:- PRIMOSOLE BRIDGE During the night of the 13 July, 1943 part of the 1st Parachute Brigade was dropped in the area of the Primosole Bridge which stretches across the River Lentini in Sicily. It removed the demolition charges placed there, however, many of the troops had been dropped wide of the target and consequently only a small force was available to hold the bridge against repeated German attempts to recapture it. It was, therefore, essential for troops of the 50th Division to reach the Bridge sometime during the 14th or at latest by nightfall As 69 Brigade had so far borne the brunt of such fighting as there had been during the advance, 151 Brigade now took over from them. The three Durham Battalions set out on a forced march of some 25 miles, the 9th Battalion DLI leading, followed by the 8thDLI and then the 6thDLI. By afternoon the 9thDLI Battalion was well over half way and by dusk, together with 4 Armoured Brigade, it was within a mile of the bridge. The paratroopers had bad news to relate. All day they had fought back repeated counter-attacks with success, but at about 7.30 pm, just two hours before the arrival of the 9th Battalion, lack of ammunition had forced their sadly depleted force to withdraw in the face of another counter-attack. With demolition charges removed, of course, the bridge could not be blown and the paratroopers were near enough to prevent the enemy planting any more. But the Battalions of the 151 Brigade were too tired after their forced march to fight a battle that night and the Brigadier decided to postpone any such attack until the following morning. It was not the Italians with whom they would have to deal but Germans of the 3rd Parachute Regiment, most of whom were veterans of the Crete and Russian campaigns and all of whom had been flown from the Italian mainland only a short while before. The country round about the Primosole Bridge is flat and open. The road running north from Lentini runs along the ridge and from about 1,000 yards south of the bridge a good view is obtainable not only of the bridge itself but also of the country beyond it. The bridge was four hundred feet long with a superstructure of iron girders about eight feet above a sluggish reed-bordered river. North of the bridge were two small farms, one each side of the road, each consisting or two or three buildings and a barn. The road beyond the bridge could be seen running absolutely straight, between two lines of poplars, towards Catania. North of the river are thick vineyards, dotted with olive groves, to a depth of some four hundred yards; beyond them lies open country. Nothing, however, could be seen of the enemy positions nor of a sunken road some few hundred yards north of the river; indeed such cover as there was lay all on the enemy side of the bridge for the British side was completely flat and open. Both the 8th and 9th Battalions tried to snatch a few hours rest during the night. The 6th Battalion was still some way behind, after clearing un at Solarino, and did not arrive until later on the 15th. But at 4 a.m. the 9th was attacked by some Italian Armoured cars which penetrated as far as Battalion Headquarters before being halted. The Battalion antirank gunners quickly came into action and soon put an end to this desperate Italian bid from which there were fewenemy survivors. Sharp at 7.30 a.m. the 9th Battalion attacked as planned, supported by the fire of two Field Regiments. But the companies advancing over open ground were heavily machine-gunned before they reached the river bank and lost a number of men. Only a few platoons were able to cross the river and where they did so, ran into heavy resistance from Germans concealed in the vineyards and lining the sunken road which hitherto no one knew existed. Many were drowned in the river as they crossed. After fierce hand-to-hand fighting the Battalion's precarious hold north of the river was finally broken and those men who had gone across were driven back, leaving their dead and wounded behind them. After this first encounter it was clear to the Brigadier that the bridge was a tougher nut to crack than had been hoped. Although a further attack by the 6th Battalion was planned for later in the day news had been received from Corps Headquarters that there was no immediate urgency for the capture of the bridge provided that a proper footing was secured on the far side by the 16 July. Another daylight attack would be suicidal; so the 8th Battalion's attack was postponed and timed to take place by the light of the moon at two o'clock the next morning. The Battalion was fortunate in having the help of Lieutenant-Colonel Alastair Pearson - CO of the Parachute Regiment - in the operation. The information he provided was invaluable, and he offered to lead the attacking companies over the river at a crossing place he knew of, some hundred yards upstream from the bridge. Two companies were to cross here, then move back towards the bridge and when once they had captured it, the rest of the Battalion was to cross over it. For an hour and twenty minutes before Colonel Pearson guided "A" and "D" Companies across the river the guns put down concentrations upstream of the bridge and a squadron of tanks and a platoon of machine-guns joined in the overture. For the last ten minutes every gun was concentrated on the area of the bridge. Then at 2.10 a.m. the two companies waded the river at two points fifty yards apart. Once across, the thickly planted vineyards made movement difficult - it would have been difficult enough by daylight - and platoons had to shout their numbers to maintain contact. However, the unexpected form of attack took the Germans by surprise and when the companies reached the bridge only a few of them were encountered. So far so good, wrote David Rissik in his book "'The DLI at War". Both companies established themselves across the Catania road, though "A" Company had to run the gauntlet of Spandau machine-gun fire to get there; and once in position visibility was limited to only a few yards due to the thickness of the vines, shrubs and tall grass for it was the middle of the growing season. Constant vigilance was needed to keep the Germans at bay. Now it was the turn of the rest of the Battalion to cross the bridge. Colonel Lidwill, who was with the leadingcompanies, had arranged a number of alternative signals for bringing up the Battalion; but when he got back to the bridge every one of them broke down. The mortar flares had got separated from the mortars; the wireless sets had got "drowned" during the crossing, and an R .E. Carrier with a wireless received a direct hit as it reached the bridge. Just at the critical moment, however, a War Office observer turned up at the bridge riding a bicycle. It was rather like a fairy tale but the C.O. dispatched him back to the Battalion to tell it to come forward at once. Night fell and the Brigade prepared to deliver the coup de grace. Ibis was the task of the 6th and 9th Battalions who, shortly after l.30 am, forded the river upstream from the bridge area where the 8th had crossed the night before. They had little difficulty in crossing; but once on the far bank they encountered savage resistance from the German paratrooper who stood and fought it out until they either shot down their assailants or were shot down themselves. Movement was not easy through the vineyards and companies got split up in the thick undergrowth. As they fought their way forward in the moonlight they cleared up opposition in their path but inevitably left pockets of resistance on their flanks. "B" Company of the 6th Battalion, under Captain Reggie Atkinson, had just such an experience. Once in the vineyards it met intense automatic fire from the Germans in the sunken road and cleared tie Germans from it. Then they struggled on, using bayonets and grenades, to a position beyond it on the left of the Catania road. There, approximately one platoon strong and entrenched in a shallow ditch and a large shell crater, Reggie Atkinson and the remnants of his company were able to engage any Germans tying to advance up the road to reinforce the bridgehead and, what is more, to prevent any in the bridgehead from withdrawing from it. At dawn the Germans managed to infiltrate back into the sunken road and for a time they made things difficult for the Company; but for three and a half hours the enemy were kept at bay and finally driven back. This gallant action very materially influenced the course of the battle. "A" Company of the 9th Battalion was less fortunate. It started out only two platoons strong and almost at once came under heavy fire. The advance was not made any easier by loose telephone and barbed wire lying among the vines; but the Company pushed on towards the main road and captured a machine-gun post and took three prisoners; by which time the Company Commander, Captain Hudson, found he had only fifteen men left. Heavy fire was then opened on this small party from their rear. So they began to withdraw towards the main road. As it got lighter, fire was opened on them from the road itself, but Hudson, recognising the Commander of another Company advancing on the far side of the road, managed to attract his attention and signal to him to attack the post on the road. This they both did but were halted by very heavy fire. Hudson then found himself both short of ammunition and with only seven unwounded men left so he ordered them to make their way back to the Battalion as best they could. He himself was wounded and was soon afterwards taken prisoner. At about 6 a.m. the Germans counter-attacked with tanks, but the attack was broken up by shell-fire; and shortly afterwards both the 6th and 9th Battalions reported they were well beyond the bridge, At 7 a.m. some Sherman tanks crossed into the bridgehead and broke through the grapevines shooting at everything in sight. The effect of this added support was felt at once. The sunken road was quieter than for 24 hours and gradually white handkerchiefs began to appear in increasing numbers along the length of it. The Germans had had enough. By mid-day all resistance had ceased; over 150 Germans had surrendered; and their dead on the ground numbered over three hundred. The area around the bridge was a regular hell's kitchen; it was littered with smashed rifles and automatics, torn pieces of equipment, bloodstained clothing, overturned ammunition boxes and the bodies of British and German dead. It was a scene of terrible destruction and telling evidence of a bitter struggle in which neither side had asked or given quarter. There can have been few better German troops in Sicily than those who held the bridge. They were Nazi zealots to a man, but they fought superbly well and as their Battalion Commander was led away to captivity, Colonel Clarke of the 9th Battalion quietly shook him by the hand. Apart from the British paratroopers the brunt of the fighting had fallen on the 8th Battalion who owed much to the conspicuous leadership of their C.O., Colonel Lidwill, and to the countless deeds of individual heroism that occurred over the period of the battle. But when at the end of the fighting the three DLI Battalions counted their casualties they had lost between them five hundred killed, wounded and missing. Six regiments were awarded the Honour which the Durhams, Parachute Regiment and the London Scottish elected to carry. There were even Italian units involved, and use made of AA guns (practicality mentioned in another thread on here!:- Lance Cpl Stanley Seymour Rose 9DLI Immediate Military Medal One the night of the 14/15th July 1943 whilst the battalion was resting preparatory to making a dawn attack on the Primosole Bridge near Catania,seven Italian armoured cars suceeded under the cover of darkness,in penetrating to Bn HQ area.Here one 6pdr anti tank gun of which L/Cpl Rose was the layer,was sited in an open position on the side of the road.In great danger of being hit by the enemy Oerlikon guns who were firing in every direction.L/Cpl Rose held his fire until the nearest armoured car was only 30yds off.With his first shot he knocked it out.Then he was wounded.In great pain he continued to fire his gun until a second armoured car was destroyed andthe remaining ones routed.L/Cpl Rose had shown exceptional coolness and bravery in the most difficult circumstances.It was due to the sucessful handling of his gun that the enemy force was beaten off before they could inflict real danger to the Battalion

I'm reading 'day of the panzer' at the moment and it mentions pushing M8's up front with the point elements in the US push up through southern France, with some Priests not too far down the column line either, as they mention them keep running out of fuel. Also, when helping out a scenario maker on here recently who was asking if it was right to have a priest in his British recon column I found an actual engagement article mentioning them doing just that! So in my humble opinion it is historically correct to use them, though no doubt not a common occurrence.

Sadly my case was similar to paraloids, cmfi cost me about £75 by the time I paid for shipping to the uk and import duty I have always pre ordered my BFc sims but that's just too expensive for modules so I will have to wait for a digital download this time as I resent giving more money to the taxman!

Excellent work baron, thanks a lot for your efforts.

They look great, thanks for your efforts.

I've got wandering HMG and mortar crews! I even have units that disappear leaving only an icon floating about. This is all happening in the Montebourg campaign that was started pre version 2. Bit frustrating as I keep losing vital support weapons during a firefight, but guess it was a probability with a patched campaign halfway through.

This is a cracking little fight! As a volunteer tester and big fan of recon, I am really enjoying the challenge. 'Only the enemy in front'

I found it on Lone Sentry, must admit I did think it was far too detailed and long winded to be your average landser letter written under duress at the front! But then why would someone go to such lengths to fake a letter like that? I just read it feeling sorry for the poor sod and trying to imagine just how stressed any of us would be in that remorseless situation.

GERMAN SOLDIER DESCRIBES TERROR OF SICILY RETREAT -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. INTRODUCTION A letter found in an abandoned German gun position near Troina, Sicily, gives a fairly comprehensive picture of what went on in the mind of at least one enemy soldier during the retreat. Possibly because their training has stressed offensive problems at the expense of defensive problems—the customary proportion has been 10 to 1—many German soldiers seem to lack enthusiasm for the defense. Readers of the Intelligence Bulletin will recall a number of articles in which high-ranking German officers have been quoted as expressing dissatisfaction, not only with the preparation of defensive positions, but with the defensive tactics of small units. This letter indicates that, although a number of factors can contribute to the lowering of the German soldier's morale while he is on the defensive, U.S. artillery barrages play a substantial part in crippling the enemy's will to fight. U.S. soldiers have been conducting a type of "psychological warfare"—perhaps without realizing it. It must be remembered that a German's mind is as vulnerable as his body. This particular letter reveals a state of uncertainty and depression which might be called the symptom of a contagious mental illness. It is to be hoped that, under the pressure of our attacks and counterattacks, this illness will spread throughout the German Army. An order issued by the commanding general of the Hermann Goering Division is added, to illustrate how pessimism and fear can be communicated from one German soldier to another. 2. RETREAT IN SICILY 23 July 1943. Dear Family: I want to send you a report about these past few days, so that in case I never come home, you will know what we are putting up with down here in Sicily. Two days after the British and the Americans had landed, they had gained so much ground, and had succeeded in bringing so many troops, that it was impossible to anticipate a battle with equal forces. On 14 July we missed being captured by just 1 hour. We took up a new position, which the Americans promptly covered with artillery fire, costing us our first victims. From this position we retreated again—toward the flank—and took up still another position. This move nearly sealed our fate. I am supposed to keep my vehicle near the commander, and serve as a communication trouble-shooter. Whenever the telephone line is damaged by artillery fire, the order is "Get out and repair." (We are fighting in the central sector, and are opposing crack U.S. and Canadian troops.) Such an order came at 2100 on 20 July, three nights ago. Right after we had left out position, such a terrific barrage started that an infantry sergeant swore he had never experienced anything like it, even in Russia. Many were killed. Several of my comrades and I were right in the thick of it. It is impossible to describe the terror of that experience. We pressed our faces to the ground and waited for a direct hit, or flying fragments, to take our lives. Meanwhile, people back home in Germany were vacationing, going to cafes and movies, and enjoying themselves. I asked myself "Where is the justice which is supposed to exist?" At 0400 we got back to our position. At least, we were still alive. We could hear machine-gun and rifle fire. We went to sleep, anyway, although our commander had already departed. Half an hour later, I was awakened suddenly. There were orders for me. The Americans were in the immediate vicinity, and all lines had to be disconnected. We were 10 men altogether. We had a large personnel carrier and a small one. It was necessary to go slowly on the dirt roads, but on the highway we traveled as fast as the vehicles would go. At a junction a car was lying on its side, constituting a road block. It seemed impossible to take the vehicles any distance across country, because of the nature of the ground, but we made it. Then it happened. We rounded a curve and ran into concentrated rifle and machine-gun fire. I felt as if God had suddenly put a wall of flying steel in front of me! At this moment I thought of all of you. I had to get the car through, and somehow or other I succeeded in doing it. Afterward, the man in the seat beside me looked at me and I looked at him. We were white as chalk. But we had survived. (May God always be with me! I am asking this, and I know you are asking it, too.) A short distance away friends were waiting for us. They had observed everything through field glasses. When we reported that the other car could hardly be expected to come through, our 22-year-old lieutenant, who was already there, gave us a tongue-lashing. He said that he had expected more of us to get through, and that we should be ashamed to say such things. I had to hold myself back in order not to leap at his throat. He didn't know the whole story, of course, inasmuch as he had left the position an hour earlier. However, some of the missing men eventually got through by foot. A little town, which by now had been occupied by the Americans, was shelled by our artillery. In return, the American artillery fired on our positions, costing us a number of wounded and forcing us to change our position once again. We had retreated 30 kilometers and had had only a single day of rest. But here "rest" means—air attacks! (I am obliged to admit that while I have been fighting in Sicily, I have seen only two German airplanes.) Hostile enemy air reconnaissance discovered us, and the next day the Americans placed artillery barrages on our newest position. It became a miserable hell, and we had to abandon it that evening. As a rule, we travel only at night—in pitch dark, without lights, and seldom on a main road. You can imagine what this means—especially when we are forever under fire. At noon of this day, I was ordered to take out a detail and look for our motorcycle runner, who was missing up front. We searched for him until it Was nearly dark, but without success. We returned, hoping to get some sleep after the misery of the past two days, but found that everyone had moved again to a new position, taking advantage of the darkness. We had a corporal with us who said he knew the route of march, but he gave us faulty directions. A hundred times we had to drop to the ground because of hostile planes. Planes are always around—nothing but American and British ones, unfortunately. We rode through a town, but had to stop 500 yards beyond it, inasmuch as we didn't know whether this road was still in German hands. Here we experienced a bombing attack. The town was very badly hit. Moreover, our vehicles were being shot at by mortars. We were terribly frightened, but we had to get through. Luckily, every bullet does not kill, and our venture succeeded. We had already been posted as missing and our lieutenant himself had gone out to look for us. Not only were we safe, but our motorcycle runner had returned safely, too! Our infantry had repulsed two heavy attacks. As a result, our light truck, which was all shot up, could be towed. While we were taking care of this, British planes appeared overhead. A moment later a nearby explosion threw my assistant driver and myself out of the car. I happened to land in the fairly soft earth of a bomb crater, and wasn't badly hurt. But my assistant driver was thrown onto the hard surface of the road and was still lying there when I found him. I took him to a field hospital. He had suffered head and face injuries. I feel very close to this fellow, since he and I have been through so many sad hours together. He will soon be with us again. We are always being pursued. Half the time we don't know what day or date it is. As you can probably guess, I have been writing this letter piecemeal from time to time. I started it a week ago. How many new positions we have retired to since then! This past Sunday we were in still another one, and again the American artillery covered us. You have no idea what it is like to hear shells whizz over your head—all night long—everlastingly. It's so hard to sleep! At 0500 on Monday I had to go out trouble-shooting. The line was down in seven places. My car passed a field aid station, where there were men who had literally been torn to pieces. A ghastly sight! I couldn't eat anything that noon. All that day our position was shelled. We kept running and flopping down under the car—up and down, up and down. Suddenly, at 1900 a terrific barrage came at us, and again my detail and I had to take down the communication lines while the others departed. Several times we had to stop, jump out, and take cover. The shells seemed to whistle past, a yard ahead of us or a yard behind us. At 0200 the next morning we were safe again. Unfortunately. I had developed a bad boil on my right knee. This morning they lanced it. It was very painful. Again we have taken up new positions. For the moment it is still quiet here—but for how long? The whole thing will start all over again. Today we learned that Mussolini had been kicked out. This means the end of Fascism too. Will Italy turn against us now? Whatever will become of us is debatable. It can hardly be supposed that this event will turn out for the good. Incidentally, Hans Maier and most of my other friends are all with the Services of Supply, 30 to 40 kilometers to the rear. I don't suppose anything much will happen to them. My comrade Huebner is in Germany by now, and has probably visited you and told you a small part of what is going on. He has had damn good luck. Do you know that recently were awakened at 0300 because mail had arrived? At that time I received your letters of the 7th and 11th of July, as well as a newspaper and two picture post cards from Schala, who was vacationing in Allgaou. He said, "From a wonderful rest and furlough days, the heartiest greetings." You can't imagine what I felt like when I read that. Hourly I fight for my life, and then suddenly I get Schala's post card. I just haven't the heart to answer it. 28 July 1943. Yesterday things were fairly quiet in our new position, although occasionally we could hear artillery in the distance. A tremendous number of planes passed overhead. Flak is constantly being fired, yet I have never seen a plane shot down. Our Luftwaffe must be employed elsewhere, because I still haven't seen any German planes to speak of. Tonight there is a terrific thunderstorm going on, and our comrades who are further up front must be wretchedly uncomfortable. I can hardly stand listening to the noise any longer. The lightning—coupled with everything that has happened—shatters my nerves. I find it impossible to sleep after a storm like this. All I can manage are little naps, in which I have bad nightmares. Oh, if I could only have a roof over my head again! We're always sleeping on the ground, and in a different place every night. 29 July 1943. Last night we moved out without having been fired on. Even in transit, we did not encounter what we call "magic fire" (Feuerzauber). This is the name that we give to the insane artillery barrages that the enemy places on us. Around midnight we arrived at our new position. While sleeping on the ground, we heard reverberations, as if we were sleeping in a basement while somebody upstairs was moving furniture. So even though we weren't directly under the "magic fire," we weren't allowed to forget it. . . . Our food is good. Every day we also receive a bit of hard candy, half a cake of chocolate, and a box of "Attikah" cigarettes. The cigarettes don't last long, however. You have no idea how much one smokes, just to distract one's thoughts. As to myself, I must report that I am having a great deal of trouble with my ears. The artillery fire, together with the clouds of dust that we endure while we are traveling, deprives me more and more of my hearing. I really hear very badly now, and can notice it myself. This gives me a very insecure feeling. Since I was last in the hospital, I haven't had any pus in my knee—so that seems to be coming along all right. But my sense of hearing is something I'll never be able to regain entirely. If I live, I'll always have a certain degree of deafness. Two of our men remained too long under cover during an artillery barrage, and while they were there, the unit moved out. They didn't rejoin us until the following day. They were threatened with a court-martial. These fellows may have been a little bit to blame, but such a threat is too severe and very depressing. One can very easily fall into a "bad light" here. Everything is construed as "dereliction of duty," and the severest punishments are decreed. 1 August 1943. Sunday again. Will I ever be able to mail this letter? Oh, I wish I could tell you, my beloved ones, what we are going through in this campaign! Our infantry suffers even more. Yesterday I lost a very good comrade. Everything is against us. The hostile artillery fires with its heaviest-caliber guns on our road of retreat. Right now the "Tommy" is attacking. It won't last long. Our only possible line of retreat is through burning fields and woods and towns subjected to artillery fire. The future looks terribly dark. . . . 3. A GENERAL WAS BITTER There were many other German soldiers in Sicily who felt as did the writer of this letter. An order of General Conrath, commanding general of the Hermann Goering Division, testifies eloquently to the fact that the British-American onslaught dealt a sledgehammer blow to the morale of a unit which formerly had been the pride of the German Army. During the past few days, I have had the bitter experience of watching scenes which are not worthy of a German soldier, particularly not of a soldier of the Hermann Goering Division. Men came running to the rear, hysterically crying because they had heard the detonation of a single shot fired somewhere in the distance. Others, deceived by false rumors, moved whole columns to the rear. In one instance, supplies were senselessly distributed to soldiers and civilians by a supply unit which had fallen victim to a rumor. I wish to state that not only the younger soldiers, but also noncoms and warrant officers, were guilty of panic-stricken behavior. Panic, "Panzer fear," and the spreading of rumors are to be eliminated by the strongest possible measures. Cowardice and withdrawal without orders are to be punished on the spot, and, if necessary, by the use of weapons. I shall apply the severest measures of court-martial against such saboteurs of the fight to free our nation, and I shall not hesitate to pronounce death sentences in serious cases. I expect all officers to use their influence in suppressing this undignified attitude throughout the Hermann Goering Division.

45, mental age of 9 according to 'err indoors Been around since cmbo and earliest hex pc war sims before that.

Crickey I have been fighting cm since cmbo first came out and I can't say I've ever micro managed my force selections criteria to the extent you guys are referring to. I thought the gamey side had been opponents always trying to pick the best afvs or elite infantry but now it sounds like I also have to watch out for units of highly motivated, fanatical, officer cadres hand picked out of their parent formations! ...jeesh. ..retreats back into his bunker for more solo play

Hmm, it's a mentality thing I guess then. I define the challenge in trying to win the battle as realistically as possible within the context of a sim that's trying to be as realistic as it can be, not using silly fake oob's or über elite formations. I like qb's when they are against familiar opponents I've played over the years as you get a mutual respect thing going and can set ground rules. I suppose I don't get a grognardy ww2 battle sim being used as a gamey slug fest, why not use an rts or world of tanks for that? But each to your own, it just sadly means I only get to fight historical scenarios against new opponents and there aren't many scens for cmbn and cmfi.

Just wondering if Any news/plans on giving us the commonwealth troops for Sicily in the near future? I must admit I hadn't thought there would be this long a delay in them showing up as an addon, considering the bulk of them are present in cmbn. (Albeit allowing for re-skinning). I know you yanks like to think you did it all on your own but us Limeys were there getting shot at too you know Apologies if I missed any announcements in another thread, just genuinely wondering when we get to use them in the Italian theatre. Ps judging by the amount of vitriol in other threads on here lately, pleased don't read this as any kind of pram spitting demand...just asking the question. Oh and happy christmas to all

Is it possible to let the game pick both sides forces in qb's? It's some of the stuff mentioned above that's made a QB a pointless option for pbem with you guys hand picking the best attributes out of any possible unit...yawn. Dont you like a real challenge?

Must be a pre vers2 save game problem as I currently have similar in my road to montebourg saved game. I have a whole mortar squad that have gone invisible and keep moving off in different directions!

Thanks simast. I was thinking I had the breach teams for a reason as I am conducting a battalion assault on a high ground defense line, but perhaps they are just part of the make up of a US inf battalion? I also wondered if they are blessed with better mine spotting abilities? As currently I am only finding mines when my men step on them!

Great comprehensive answer once again Jason, many thanks for taking the time to type all that. As I was reading the first paragraphs on the infantry infiltration method, I am assuming ops with that subtlety and discipline would only be tasked to more highly trained troops like rangers, paras, recon and commandos? I can't see your average British or US infantry division conducting such disciplined night manouvres? Though I guess veteran troops could pull it off.

Wow, thats a very comprehensive answer Jason...hope I never have to assault one of your defensive positions! As a counter, can you now provide a textbook assault to take a position like that

Do these guys work as assault engineers in cmfi? Ie can they clear mines like engineers? Also, can they clear obstacles, blow up bunkers etc as they are equipped with demo charges. In cmbn I would be using them to blow holes in bocage but the historical scenario I'm fighting, has me equipped with numerous breach teams, which leads me to believe they are there for a purpose or specific role. Ps..can minefields be pre blasted with demo charges by targetting the ground where mines have spotted? Or can minefields be triggered with mortar bombardments? Thanks in advance

Yes sorry didn't mean to sound harsh, I think the cm series since cmbo has set the standard for tactical ww2 combat sims. I haven't seen the reasons for certain units exclusion (got a link?) and it's grated me in cmbn since early purchase that a fundamental formation like the FJ are missing, not to mention I had to pay extra just to get the British!

To me, not having FJ in cmbn or the cw addon is a farce and a bit of a cynical marketing ploy, considering their units were in action on the opening day of the invasion and heavily engaged throughout the campaign around carentan and st Lo. Their omission is as realistic as leaving out Sherman tanks for the alies. Sorry if that's putting the boot in on BF but I own all the cm series and disagree with this policy of omitting units to tempt more sales later, even I will still buy them! Great product though