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gunnersman

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  1. Breaching has been explained in other topics but their are ways to blow walls/hedgerows without charging the engineers in. Set a blast waypoint *up to* the point you want to breach if you just want them open the point. Setting the blast waypoint *through* the wall is treated breach and clear. 

     

     

    Good point! It also works if you set the blast waypoint parallel to the target.

  2.  

    PERCEIVED ISSUE:Running, I am not sure if it is the animation or they are so very slow but when guys a running they seem to be doing it on ICE, as in lots of movement but very little forward progress, 9 time out of ten they are all on top of each other so it easy for the enemy to get multiple kills. Now the speed may be due to the amount of weight they are carrying but the speed is exactly the same in WW2 where the in very little weight factor.

    All limitations of the engine. As much as possible CM is 1:1 scale. But there are times when there will need to be approximations. And the running animation is one of them.

    And bunching up is a limitation due to the fact that all action revolves around one point in each 8x8 meter square of which all the maps are made from.

     

    PERCEIVED ISSUES: Hunt in single file, move in single file. All movement is is single file. This allows  for longer time to get set for contact and normally means all you guys end up cowering and picked off one by one.

     

    See above.

    A well know issue that seems to go against proper military doctrine all armies understand.

    The best workaround is to split your squad. It requires more work, but it saves pixel lives. ;)

     

     

     

    PERCEIVED ISSUE: The Breaching team in a house assault get slaughtered come in the front door, The 4 man team act stupidly regardless the distance the team is away from the door, they pile in to there death like lemmings. The enemy just needs to be a single automatic weapon guy to take down a full team. The assault team does not halt its attack, does not toss a grenade in, does not do anything but run and die. I would just like to say I hate every stuid the tac Ai does, but I am giving one example above.

    Urban fighting is a well known limitation. Needs work. Us lay-folk know it. Battlefront knows it. Requires time and resources that's not available at the moment.

     

    In the AAR Bill Hardenburger is participating in, he mentions the best work around to entering a building is to have your guys wait outside for a minute or two take make sure the interior is clear. I've used this with good results.

     

    Also, if you have breaching charges, make your own door. The blast will stun whomever is inside. (Big guns help with this too. B) )

     

     

    PERCEIVED ISSUES: Cowering, I understand cowering makes sense, but I see cowering out in the open, I seen a whole team cower in the woods, and continually get suppress and eventually killed cause they will not even attempt to return fire. This frustrates me more then anything.

    Again, another approximation to get the point across in a visual way that the unit is effected psychologically.

     

    I hope this helps.

  3. I would guess more along the lines of Javelins or GPS guided mortars.

     

    This is a good website for just such questions.  They dont give you yes or no answers, just analysis.

     

    Con...subscription only.

     

    https://www.stratfor.com/geopolitical-diary/escalation-ukraine-would-add-putins-concerns

     

     

     

     

    An Escalation in Ukraine Would Add to Putin's Concerns
      FEBRUARY 2, 2015 | 23:21 GMT   Text Size   Print
     

    Several developments over the weekend related to the Ukraine crisis indicated that the standoff between Russia and the West could soon reach a turning point. Fighting continued between Ukrainian security forces and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine while the latest round of peace talks in Minsk collapsed in a matter of hours. Shortly after the talks failed, the leader of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic announced that a general mobilization of up to 100,000 fighters would occur within two weeks. Meanwhile, a report from The New York Times published on Sunday suggested that the United States is seriously considering providing the Ukrainian military with lethal weapons. The United States is characterizing this as a defensive move, but the pro-Russian rebels and Russian government are not likely to agree.

    All of these events point to an acute risk of escalation in the conflict over Ukraine. The main question is where this escalation will lead. During the crisis, which has dragged on for more than a year now, there have been several ebbs and flows, as demonstrated by numerous declarations and breaches of cease-fires that occurred while political dialogue between various representatives continued. One thing that is clear is that all options remain on the table in this evolving standoff, including the potential for a larger military conflict.

    There are two broader perspectives from which to view the crisis in Ukraine. One is that of the West, which sees the origins of the conflict in Russia's annexation of Crimea and support for a separatist insurgency in eastern Ukraine — illegal and illegitimate responses to what was considered ademocratic revolution in Kiev in February 2014. The West regards Russia's actions as a violation of Ukraine's territorial sovereignty and believes that the appropriate response are sanctions against Russia and the backing of a pro-Western government in Kiev. The other view is that of Russia, which sees the February 2014 uprising as an illegal coup d'etat orchestrated by the West. The annexation of Crimea and the eastern Ukrainian insurgency are viewed as legitimate reactions that had substantial support from the local population and were an appropriate response to a conflict the West started as a means of containing and weakening Russia.

    What is a Geopolitical Diary?George Friedman Explains.

    Russia's view of the West's intentions existed long before the uprising in Kiev. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has witnessed what it perceived as deliberate efforts at containment by the West. One was the expansion of NATO into the former Soviet bloc in the late 1990s and early 2000s; with the inclusion of the Baltic states, the Western military alliance expanded to within 161 kilometers (100 miles) of St. Petersburg. Another was the wave of "color revolutions" that swept the former Soviet space in the mid-2000s, most notably the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, which brought Western influence even closer to the Russian heartland. The 2014 uprising in Ukraine was, from Moscow's perspective, merely the latest chapter in the same story of the West's attempts to contain Russia in the former Soviet borderlands.

    This thinking has framed Russia's actions in Ukraine. If Ukraine is aligned with the West it poses an existential threat to Russia, so Moscow feels that it must do whatever is necessary to prevent this alignment. Following the Orange Revolution, Russia used several tools, including energy cutoffs and political connections in Ukraine, to undermine the pro-Western government in Kiev and eventually got a Russian ally in power in 2010. However, the current iteration of Moscow's standoff with the West has left the Russian economy isolated by Western sanctions just as it is reeling from a dramatic drop in oil prices. Meanwhile, the United States and NATO have increased their military presence and commitment to countries in Central Europe, with plans to pre-position equipment and forces in the Baltic states, Poland and Romania. Now the West is signaling its intentions to increase military assistance to Ukraine significantly.

    This leaves Russia in a difficult position. A weakening economy puts Russian President Vladimir Putin under pressure at home, and although most Russians oppose a direct, overt military intervention in Ukraine, being seen as capitulating to the West on an issue as strategic as Ukraine could have dire consequences. The issue is particularly delicate given Putin's limitations within the Kremlin as he juggles different power circles' interests. 

    These circumstances lend greater importance to the intensification of fighting in key areas such as the Donetsk airport and Mariupol. These moves could be meant to demonstrate Russia's capabilities in degrading Ukraine's forces on the battlefield while steering the negotiations over Ukraine's future toward a diplomatic settlement. But the United States and Russia's neighbors cannot discount the possibility that these actions are precursors to a wider Russian military offensive. The West has increased its support to Kiev since the crisis started, and the Times report about possible U.S. weapons sales to Ukraine shows that Russia cannot assume that the West's commitment will not grow. Therefore, Putin could be calculating that if any major military action is to be launched, it would be best to do it before the West increases its presence and assistance in Ukraine and nearby states.

    This is not to say that a broader war is looming or inevitable. There are a number of possible outcomes in the range between a negotiated settlement and a full-scale military conflict over Ukraine. The conflict could continue for a long time. But the fact remains that Putin must survey his options, and continuing with the current tactics might not be one of them. 

  4. When playing the first scenario as blue (I forget the title. Tiny, infantry only. US v Rus) it did seem as though my troopers most likely to be wounded by the air bursts from mortars and not incapacited or killed. And that was in the open or in a sparse tree line.

  5.  Even earlier Russian tactical AD manuals explicitly addressed firing on weapon stations armed with rocket pods and missiles, too.

     

    Really? Specifically target individual weapons stations? How did they do that from 4 miles away...or even less? On a moving target. I would hope it would enough just to get one bullet to hit anywhere on the airframe.

  6. Unless there is a "Belarussian spring" I dont see much changing. It's been four years since I visited. Minsk is like a mini Moscow. A lot of the streets are Russian named streets. Frunzesky(sic?) subway stop named after a famous Russian general. There is a Red Square. There is even a Gorky Park. Busts of Lenin are everywhere. They share a lot. And there is still a high security state. You cannot move to Minsk unless you have permission. The U.S. Embassy is only allowed a skeleton staff.

    Russian cheap gas subsidies, among other things, help keep Lukachenko in power. Uprisings have occurred but were brutally beat down. Last Dictatorhip is right.

  7. On a related subject, can someone remind me how to heal squad casualties?  I know it's possible but I am not sure what the mechanic is.

    There is no "healing". Nobody gets brought back to 100% health like in a First Person Shooter. There is only what the others posted previously. The advantage to buddy aid along with retrieving weapons and ammo is if you do NOT "save" a comrade who is "incapacitated" (bright red crosses as opposed to dark red crosses which are dead) then there is a 25% chance that soldier dies and THAT goes against your score in the AAR.

  8. Observation vehicles were pretty much useless for what they were designed to do, in CM:Strike Force. The maps were too small. The advantages observation vehicles in a defilade enjoy in real life are negated by certain "line of sight" limitations of the game engine.

     

    This does not appeared to have changed much in Black Sea. The only possible exception is that some maps are bigger, open and more expansive than before.

     

    The short version: Dismount those FOs! Or they will be destroyed along with their mount!

  9. I do know that in CM Red Thunder with certain weapons such as flamethrowers, the LOS tool will let you know if your target is going to be out the range of the flamethrower or small caliber mortar. Since CMBS uses the same 3.0 engine as Red Thunder I think effective range might appear in some instances.

    I think most weapons have such a long reach that the LOS tool will not say whether or not your weapon is limited in range

    If you want the effective range usually there is a number giving the max effective range of any specific weapon system you choose to observe in game, in the user interface. But the weapon needs to be equipped. Meaning, if your squad does not have it (such as a Javelin) they will need to "acquire" it first. Otherwise the manual is usually a good place to go even though it is not in the game. And then there is Wikipedia (for what it's worth).

    I hope that helps.

  10. Thanks guys.

     

    I was just play a scenario yesterday, I forgot which one,  where Russians were rolling in the direction of my Ukrainian bmps. I hastily grabbed the nearest unit, split them and sent a team into the BMP so they'd have some commander 'eyeballs' to scout for targets. I unbuttoned them too so the commander would be heads-up. A very dangerous move considering the number of snipers but BMP-2 is previous-generation and doesn't have the best situational awareness in the best of times.

     

    Yea, this is how Im treating it. I figure it is best to have someone getting a view of things on the BMP. The next dilemma is with or with out binoculars! Only the squad leader has them and I prefer to keep him on the ground.

  11. I never played the Red side much withe CMSF, so I do not remember this dilemma. But I never realized the BMP 2 does not have a dedicated TC (for lack of a better term). Is it best leave a commander with the BMP? Or is it just as well to dismount all of your troops and have them advance?

     

    Im playing "Interdiction" (my second game after install).  I am the Ukranians in this scenario.

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